# You Can Push Back **You Can Push Back** (FEC committee **C00946830**) was a super PAC that existed for roughly six weeks in spring 2026, was funded **100% by one man**, and spent **$2,063,530.00** defending [[Alex Bores]] in the NY-12 Democratic primary against the AI industry's money. It registered on **April 9, 2026** and its entire disclosed activity falls inside that April. It matters because the vault's account of that race was incomplete. [[Leading the Future]] spent roughly $8M against Bores as its deliberate proof-of-concept, and the vault recorded **one** pro-regulation counter-vehicle: Public First, funded with at least $20M from [[Anthropic]]. There were **two**. The second was a crypto executive writing $3.5 million into a committee that lasted a month and a half. ## Funding — one donor, 100% of receipts Its entire Schedule A is **two rows**, both line **SA11AI** (itemised individual contributions), both **Christian Larsen**, San Francisco, employer **[[Ripple]]**: | Date | Amount | Line | Running aggregate | |---|---|---|---| | 2026-04-10 | **$3,000,000.00** | SA11AI | $3,500,000.00 | | 2026-04-21 | **$500,000.00** | SA11AI | $3,500,000.00 | Because the committee did not exist before April 9, **[[Chris Larsen]] is its sole funder, at 100% of receipts.** There is no other contributor of any size, itemised or not. The Form 3X summary reconciles under FEC Back-Sweep Standard Rule 2: cash on hand opening **$0.00**, total receipts **$3,500,000.00**, total disbursements **$2,063,530.00**, cash on hand at close **$1,436,470.00** — and $0 + $3,500,000 − $2,063,530 = $1,436,470 exactly. Roughly **$1.44M of Larsen's money was never spent.** ## Spending — six lines, all for Bores | Dissemination | Amount | Vendor | Purpose | |---|---|---|---| | 2026-04-23 | $75,000.00 | Unfiltered Media Group | Digital ads | | 2026-05-02 | $223,924.56 | BlueWest Media | Digital ads | | 2026-05-02 | $648,024.42 | BlueWest Media | Television ads | | 2026-05-05 | $1,027,651.02 | BlueWest Media | Television ads | | 2026-05-05 | $88,930.00 | Putnam Partners | TV ad production | | 2026-05-07 | $190,000.00 | AB Partners | Digital ads — **memo row, see below** | **Every line supports Bores. Not one dollar is spent against anyone.** BlueWest Media carries 92% of the real money. > [!note] The $190,000 row is a memo, and it closes an open question > The six Schedule E rows sum to **$2,253,530.00**, which **exceeds** the report's own total disbursements > of $2,063,530.00 — a discrepancy flagged as unresolved in the 2026-09-30 sweep. It resolves cleanly: the > AB Partners row carries **`X` in field 42, the FEC memo code**, so it restates dollars already itemised > elsewhere in the filing rather than adding to them. $2,253,530.00 − $190,000.00 = **$2,063,530.00**, > which is the disbursement total to the cent. > > This is FEC Back-Sweep Standard **Rule 4d**, written on 2026-10-01 after the same pattern inflated a > different committee's figures. **The real spending figure for this committee is $2,063,530.00.** > > Dissemination dates running into early May against an April coverage period are ordinary — the committee > paid in April for time that aired later. The May report (files **1982248** / amended **1986333**) is > still the document to read before stating any monthly split. ## Why it was invisible The money moved in April. **This report was not legible until September 29, 2026.** The original April Form 3X (file **1974334**, received 2026-05-12) reported the $3.5M of receipts, but the version that makes the picture readable is the **third amendment** (file **2015529**, received 2026-09-29), filed after FEC requests for additional information dated **2026-06-14**, **2026-09-01** and **2026-09-16**. The committee filed its real report five months late, under regulatory pressure, after the primary it was created for had been decided. **Under §7 this creates no Deal** — the money is not new, and an amended report of April receipts is re-reported money under Rule 4. What it creates is this page. ## Why it matters **It changes the shape of the story, not just the ledger.** The NY-12 fight was recorded here as industry-versus-industry: an AI-industry super PAC network against an Anthropic-funded counter-PAC. The second counter-vehicle was not an industry at all. It was **one individual**, acting alone, with no co-donors, through a committee built for a single primary and wound down after it. **It connects crypto money to the AI-regulation fight directly.** [[Ripple]] is already tracked in this KB as a **$25M [[Fairshake PAC]] donor** and a ~$49M cycle contributor through the [[Crypto-Political Machine]]. That is the crypto industry spending on crypto policy. This is Ripple's chief executive spending his own money on **AI** policy — defending the author of New York's RAISE Act against the AI industry — which is a different and less-mapped vector. **Bores lost anyway.** He was beaten by Micah Lasher. Roughly $8M of industry money against roughly $2.06M from Larsen plus Public First's spending, and the $1.44M Larsen never deployed. **It is a case study in disclosure lag.** A committee can be formed, funded by one person, spend $2M, wind down, and remain effectively unexamined for five months — not because anything was hidden illegally, but because the report that explains it arrives after the election it concerned, and only once the FEC asks three times. ## See Also - [[Chris Larsen]] · [[Ripple]] · [[Alex Bores]] - [[Leading the Future]] · [[Fairshake PAC]] · [[Crypto-Political Machine]] · [[Anthropic]] - [[Crypto-Political Machine News Log]] - [[Independent Expenditure]] · [[Super PACs]] - [[Organizations Hub]]