# Del Ray Media LLC A private media-buying firm at **PO Box 1309, Alexandria, Virginia**, through which a material share of Republican independent-expenditure advertising in the 2026 midterms is placed. It appears only as a payee line on FEC Form 24 notices; it has no disclosure obligations of its own, and no reporting on it has been found. **This is the vault's first vendor page.** The daily money sweep surfaced the vendor-concentration finding on three consecutive digests (2026-10-01, 2026-10-02, 2026-10-03) and each time recorded that vendor findings had nowhere to live. This page is built as the precedent so that they do. Whether the other five load-bearing buyers — Flexpoint Media, Waterfront Strategies, C Plus K LLC, Main Street Media Group, In Pursuit Of, LLC — get the same treatment is the open class decision; see the 2026-10-04 digest. ## Traceable placements Every figure below is a payee line on a named Form 24 notice. Nothing here is derived from an aggregate column (FEC Back-Sweep Standard Rule 4c) or from press reporting. | Committee | Notice | Receipt date | Amount | Share of notice | |---|---|---|---|---| | [[MAGA Inc]] | FEC-2010907 · 2014087 · 2015273 · 2016639 | 2026-09-05 → 2026-10-03 | **$25,000,000.00** | 100% of all four Texas tranches | | [[Congressional Leadership Fund]] | 2016529 | 2026-10-02 | **$10,203,222.53** | **41.7%** | | [[Congressional Leadership Fund]] | 2015245 | 2026-09-25 | **$6,256,089.39** | 33% | | Land I Love PAC | 2016223 | 2026-10-02 | **$2,092,414.67** | 100% — a single line | | [[Congressional Leadership Fund]] | 2016649 | 2026-10-03 | $210,035.00 | 39.7% | | | | **Traceable subtotal** | **$43,761,761.59** | | [[No Going Back PAC]] also placed both of its eight-figure notices through this firm — recorded at [[No Going Back PAC 29.1M National IE Program]] and [[No Going Back PAC 28.5M Multi-Race IE September 2026]]. Those line-level amounts are not restated here and the subtotal above therefore **understates** the firm's total; it is a floor across the receipt dates reviewed here, not a cycle total. ## Why it matters **Four committees across four different layers of the party use one buyer.** The presidential-aligned super PAC ([[MAGA Inc]]), the House leadership super PAC ([[Congressional Leadership Fund]]), a new multi-state vehicle ([[No Going Back PAC]]) and a single-purpose PAC (Land I Love PAC) all route money through the same private firm. None of them discloses a relationship to any of the others. The payee line on Form 24 is the only place the connection is visible, and it is visible only because that form requires naming the payee. **Its share of CLF's buying is rising.** 33% of the September House notice, **41.7%** of the October one, while Flexpoint Media's share fell from 61% to 53.3% over the same nine days. On the October notice Del Ray and Flexpoint together placed **95.0%** of $24,487,488.77. **It is a chokepoint, and chokepoints are leverage.** A firm that places tens of millions of dollars of advertising for committees that are legally forbidden to coordinate with each other sits in a position to know what all of them are doing. Nothing here alleges that it does anything with that position; the point is structural — the disclosure regime makes the committees name their buyer and asks nothing at all about what the buyer knows. > [!note] Open questions — nearly everything > - **Ownership and principals.** Unestablished. No corporate filing has been pulled. > - **Whether "Del Ray Media LLC" is one entity.** The name appears with and without the comma and with > two address forms across notices; treated here as one firm, not verified as one. > - **Relationship to Flexpoint Media**, with which it splits CLF's buying almost evenly. > - **Cycle total.** Not derived. Requires summing every Form 24 payee line naming the firm across all > committees for the cycle. > - **Press coverage.** None found. ## The vendor-page class, resolved 2026-10-05 This page was built on 2026-10-04 as the vault's first vendor page, specifically so the open question *"do media buyers get pages?"* would have something concrete to be answered about. The 2026-10-05 money sweep answered it with a rule: > **Any political media buyer load-bearing on three or more committees gets a page.** Buyers on one or > two stay plain text until a third committee appears. Pages built under that rule: [[Flexpoint Media]] (6 committees), [[Waterfront Strategies]] (5), [[C Plus K LLC]] (4), [[Minute Mail Consulting Group LLC]] (4), this page (4), and — added **2026-10-09** — [[MHB Media Inc]] (3). Still plain text: Main Street Media Group (2), Targeted Platform Media (1), Gambit Strategies (2), In Pursuit Of, LLC (1 — but $9.47M of single-payee concentration, so its trigger is a second committee). **[[MHB Media Inc]] splits [[No Going Back PAC]]'s buying with this firm.** On file 2018548 Del Ray took $14,110,252.00 and MHB $7,446,122.00 — **92.47% of that notice between the two.** Both file from a Northern Virginia PO box. No relationship between the two firms is established and none is alleged; the co-occurrence is recorded on both pages as an open question. Each vendor page lists **per-notice rows traceable to file numbers** and publishes **no cross-committee total**, because summing committee-level and per-notice figures would double-count. ## See Also - [[Flexpoint Media]] · [[Waterfront Strategies]] · [[C Plus K LLC]] · [[Minute Mail Consulting Group LLC]] - [[MAGA Inc]] · [[MAGA Inc 20M Texas Senate IE Program]] - [[Congressional Leadership Fund]] · [[CLF 24.5M House IE October 2026]] · [[CLF 18.7M House IE September 2026]] - [[No Going Back PAC]] · [[No Going Back PAC 29.1M National IE Program]] · [[No Going Back PAC 28.5M Multi-Race IE September 2026]] - [[Independent Expenditure]] · [[Super PACs]] · [[Dark Money]] - [[TX-Sen-2026]] - [[Companies Hub]]